Conversation 890-017

Transcript (AI-Generated)

This transcript was generated automatically by AI and has not been reviewed for accuracy. Do not cite this transcript as authoritative. Consult the Finding Aid above for verified information.

Mr. President, uh, Nash Baker will check if the ambassador has not received...

The Green gave me something for you on the Jewish things, really.

And it's most of our questions.

I mean, we don't have any questions, but... Oh, yeah.

In fact, the Green suspended the tax.

Now, the question is...

The trouble is that then Jackson apparently did stop saying, well, we can't.

He said, well, they'll suspend it, and then three months later they won't.

No, we haven't intruded from that.

From Jackson?

Not from him, no.

I told Sonnenfeld this morning, when he searched Schultz, I said, now look here, the Jewish community in this country, and I want you to know that if they torpedo this new relationship that we're trying to start with the Russians, I said, I cannot stand by and let it happen.

And I mean it.

And what we have to understand is that

that you, of course, are not part of that community.

My point is that they are doing a terrible disservice to themselves.

Jackson's doing a disservice.

And the American people, if you put it to a vote, they hate the communists, but they also want peace.

Mr. President, this is not an American national interest.

It's the Jewish interest of the Soviet Jews.

It is an outrage.

You know, it's not like...

They almost, they just take this gal who never said the damn thing.

I had forgotten she was living in 59, but now she's a young pretty thing.

My God, they're going to wish to fall over you with real depression after that.

What Dobrynin explained to me is the problem that June 18th has only to do with Gromyko wanting to go to the security conference which starts on the 22nd.

And I said to him, look, propose an earlier date, and I'll take it up with the president so we didn't look too eager.

So they may propose before the June.

Should I get the interview?

I'm going to make the point.

But you know, we've got so much to discuss.

And I think this, what I call software, is fine at this point.

It may be, it just may be that Russia, at old age, may be the best for you.

I mean, it doesn't fool me a damn bit, or you either, but it just may be that maybe they want a relationship.

What are our choices?

With this Congress, you had to face a confrontation with the Russians on top of everything else.

So far, we are gaining a hell of a lot more than they are gaining.

Oh!

Russian-Chinese issues are the only thing that keep our head over water.

Good.

Do you remember the Indian ambassador?

Yes, how are you, Mr.

Ambassador?

Good to see you.

Let's get a picture before you leave so we can have it in your office as governor of the Kashmir.

Sure thing, sir.

Hey, take one, sir.

I've never met him yet.

He's beautiful.

The neighbor, you know, he had this great feeling in his heart.

But I wanted to say to you that as you go, that we, that I, as Henry's probably told you, I normally can't see.

I usually see them when they come.

I don't get to see them very often when they leave.

I would like to see everyone, but I wanted to see you.

I welcome the opportunity for reasons that are obvious, so I'm going to go to the country you represent and what it means to the world.

It's a major country.

I think you personally have worked so hard under very difficult circumstances for a good relationship between the U.S. and India.

We've had some rocky times, the war thing, and now this last little blip about the cleaning up that Pakistan evening and so forth and so on.

I must say it's definitely that I've appreciated the strength that has been shown on that.

It was a hard decision for us.

It was, you know, not one that was in any way designed to create any threat to India, and it does not.

The important thing now, though, is that the suspicions and this constant confrontation and so forth

which seems to get into the public press between India and the U.S., that we try to dampen down.

Because for better or worse, let's face it, we are the two biggest democracies in the world, yours and ours.

Each of us has much to give to the other.

Each of us has an enormous interest in maintaining our freedom and in working toward a more peaceful world.

And for us, to be in a position that

And India, in the minds of many people, many people in the world, India and the U.S. are always opposed.

It's not healthy.

It's not a good thing for you.

It isn't good for us.

Now, what we do about it, it isn't just the state visit with the tipping of glasses and nice little speeches that we've had, but it's hard day-to-day work on some of these things.

But I want you to convey to the Prime Minister that I sent my hand there because he's a very close personal associate.

He deeply wanted to go.

He loves the American, but he loves also your country.

And I sent him there because I wanted to have a positive, more positive development in the relations between our countries.

We must not allow, now with Pakistan divided, we must not allow differences about that or differences about other things to blind us to the overall interest that we have in a continuing, healthy, constructive relationship.

Now, let me say this, not so much in this country, although there are some,

But in your country, as you well know, as there are in most countries in the world, there's a considerable number, a body of opinion, some in the press, some in the parliament, the rest, who sort of make a profession of being anti-U.S. lands.

It's true in Latin America, it's true in Europe, and so forth and so on.

And Soviet, I don't know, I understand it.

But the point is that I simply want to say without any sentimentality, although sometimes I might be involved in the news, but basically not based on that, but based on the interests, the interests we share, the interest of the world for people, the interest in the maintenance of great free nations requires that India and the United States have a better relationship

And you had to take it over a rocky period, and we hope your successor will come here and perhaps work warmly toward that end.

Because if it goes the other way, then each of us will have to look in other directions.

You don't want that, and we don't want it either.

That's the way I would like it.

So I've tried to speak quite frankly about it.

And another thing that I did in this state, finally,

You get the impression that, uh, which I, uh, from some reports and some speeches that have been made, that, uh, that I realize a lot of this throughout the war in Vietnam, Georgia, and I was over in France, but, uh, you get the, and a lot of it throughout the India, uh, the last India-Pakistan war, that, uh, President Nixon is anti-Indian, and he ain't a, this is kind of, sorry, that's all he

That is not true.

I have never been, and never will be, because I want good relations.

And the impression that whoever's president of the United States is basically against the biggest democracy in the world is not a healthy one to have existing in the world.

It's not healthy for

the other superpowers to make that.

It isn't healthy for your neighbors to make that.

It isn't healthy for their children to make that.

And finally, that part that's not being healthy, it's just not true.

So these are some of the things that I hope you take with you, and I hope you take some pleasant memories, too.

You take very heavy memories, and I must say, throughout the very difficult period, one of the things that saved me

I'll be in the line of communication I've had with Henry with no near mind thinking.

That's right.

I know he'll talk to you very much.

While I come, I'll tell the Prime Minister, because when I was leaving she told me that my mission is to make Indo-American relations as good as Indo-Soviet relations.

I can't bear the cost of the task.

But I do feel that we are now set on a course which can be

to far better relations than even we have known it in the past.

And I do know that the fact that we have just the same view on the matter is not good for us or the world, for there to be the feeling that in the end America will get on.

If we can find, let me say, you can tell her I'll do my part.

I'll go more than halfway.

And I have great respect for her, not because she's a woman, but because she's a great leader.

Great respect for her.

She's a skillful politician.

But she wanted it more than I did.

What we have set up, Mr. President, as a matter of your instruction, is

some more or less regular meetings between Moynihan and senior Indian officials on economic and similar issues.

And then L.K.

's successor here and I will start political discussions to see what can be done to bring about a... Well, speaking very gently, I'm sorry, he's leaving.

I am too.

I know his successor, and it's a very bright moment, but we...

Don't say anything about it.

I'm sorry you're leaving.

I feel that way.

We won't say it anymore.

And we know he's not going to report that.

No.

That's right.

Yeah.

No, we get along successfully.

And the main thing is, whoever represents, it's pleasant to have somebody that we have such confidence and respect with.

But whoever represents a great country, we get along.

I must say one other thing, Mr. President, that L.K.

was more skillful in handling the press than any other ambassador here.

I could see his fine hand in a lot of columnists when necessity required it.

Look, the Indians are among the most skillful people in the world in handling the press.

They're the best in the world.

Well, we're good to see you.

We'll, uh, as a memento of all, we will have you, we'll have as a, as a, uh, copy of that picture.

And I also have it in one of my ashtrays.

I have a few of these that we give to, it's a small man, but it's the presidential ashtray.

But I think that you will learn your lesson.

And people that smoke that drink their glasses.

And, uh...

Friends, all of our appreciation for your work.

Good wishes.