Nixon, Haldeman & Connally on Vietnam War and State of the Union Address

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He did a very good job.

We talked on the way over.

He raised his hand.

He said, you know, we've been thinking about this, and one thing Tommy said to me a while back when we were talking about it,

He said, you know, I'm not going to be here much longer.

I probably won't be here until the end of the year.

And he said, I think it's essential for Connie to stay here.

And if this functioning here makes any difference in his attitude on that, then maybe there's some way I can give you some help in that direction, too.

And I said, well, obviously.

I didn't give him any discussion.

He said, obviously.

He did a good job.

He did push for trying to define how it was going to work and all that.

Conley laid it out exactly the way the two of them, their minds basically leaned on the understanding of how it worked.

I talked to Conley afterwards for quite a little while, and his view is that it definitely should be

I said, there's no problem on that.

I said, you didn't want to force anybody on it at the whole point here.

It wasn't a matter of just being comfortable with the guy.

You didn't need to convince that this was the right guy for the job.

And I said, there's no problem on a personal basis or any other basis in changing it now.

Because Peter is...

The president purposely has not talked

It's all on that kind of a basis, and if you don't want it, it'd be very easy to move it back anyways, finding, you know, if you were just to sit back and go into this kind of an assignment anyway, it would be a little bit of a shame just putting things through and all that.

But if you, if you want to do it, you need to be ready to do it.

And, um, which I think is true, and I haven't talked to Dean since he's been here, and I haven't talked to him since he's been here.

But, um,

And John said, no, they won't hear his story.

If I'm to be effective in what the president, what I understand the president wants me to do, I must not be out on a, he brought them in, or he did come, he brought them in.

And he said, the only way it can be handled here is that there's got to be a strongman over there running through it, whether they're Allen or anybody else like that.

He wouldn't be able to wheel the other departments, and I haven't been able to do it, or the president hasn't been able to do it all of a sudden.

And we have a problem.

Steve Flanagan is known by everybody around here to be close to the president, to have a position where he was leading things around.

Up to now, he can go right on.

And I have no personal problem with Steve Flanagan.

And I feel very strong.

We've got to have a strong one.

Not a weak one.

I've got to have the council, because if we pulled it out of the council, and then tried to do what we're talking about, I'd be lost, because as far as I can, as the Secretary of the Treasury, we deal with other departments, except as an equal.

He's always been talking about this, and right, and come up with the same one, and then, you know, we've got to see what gets away from it.

So he made that point, and he said that Lyman, today, has said,

You can be sure I'm not interested in handling all the moving stuff in the treasury or doing anything here because I guarantee you I'm not going to be subject to the treasury next year.

I'm not going to be sitting in this office next year or something like that.

But that's pretty swell and it's pretty sure.

But he said he was making it as a point of assuring me.

He was making it a point of planning.

He wanted the work done elsewhere.

He didn't want to try and haul a lot of stuff in the treasury because he believed the whole office was in the treasury.

But you will, as long as you want to do exercises, extra responsibility that you guys are going to take on as far as trade and that kind of thing.

And he went through all of those things, and that's what he did.

He reopened the case idea of busting open the State Department after he got back from Russia, and now he's going to take it.

about reorganization and all that, he makes an interesting point.

He says if you get in many more leagues, if that kind of thing is one thing, you're going to have to, in order to blunt the effectiveness of those people, so the people will turn the other way and say, well, it's just those sons of bitches and cousins who are going to reorganize.

And they either deserve it or not.

Anyway, from Crotty's viewpoint, they should be planning it.

He's happy with it.

He wants it done already.

What?

That's in as good shape as we need it.

Get it in.

And then I think he'll know.

You said we're all concerned.

He doesn't know what to say.

We're both players.

I just want to find him.

That's it.

My book would call me.

I went through the whole section to check that.

I didn't say that I'd be real when I called you.

I had to check out certain sections.

I called you before you got here.

Oh, did you?

No.

You heard me.

Just to get through to you, I want to read it to you.

Thank you very much.

I would ask for this television to present to the American people and the leaders of North Vietnam a plan for peace which can bring to an end the longest war of this century.

The offer that I now show to the public on behalf of the government of the United States and the government of South Vietnam is full of generous support.

It is a plan to end the war now.

It includes an offer to withdraw all American forces from the six months of agreement.

These are supplements of peace, speed, and return of all the workers of war in their homes.

I was briefly with U.S. partners today, three years ago.

We met with the 5,000 American fighters in Vietnam who believed we could kill the nation.

There had to be another way out in case the other side refused to negotiate.

That path was called the end position.

This meant training and equipment in the South Asian region to protect themselves, and withdrawing American citizens from the United States.

Half of the ethanization has been successful.

A few years ago, I announced that the American portion of Vietnam had begun at 69,000.

That means almost one-half of the American people have been drawn to Vietnam in the past three years.

In terms of American lives, the loss of 300 people is reduced by over 95%, now less than that.

The path of the ethanization has been a long voyage

We have made a series of public proposals designed to bring an end to the conflict.

But early in this administration, I became content that it was necessary to explore the possibility of negotiating the privacy of the channel.

and see whether it would be possible to end the public deadline for the Department of Education in Paris.

After concentrating on the Secretary of State of Russia, Mark Baskin, and Saigon, our chief negotiator in Paris, with the full knowledge and proof of the letter to you, I sent Dr. Chisholm to Paris as my personal representative on August 4, 1969, to begin the safety of the institution.

Since that time, his privacy has been a small time.

and a set of times to leave a photo of a man on top of what he was providing to the leaders of most of the country, whether it might be a community delegation or a cross, his methods were drawn to be a long process.

You might ask, why would you negotiate to bring him into secret when a public forum is available to prepare for a negotiation?

America is much preferable to cut ties with Iraq now.

With so many lives at stake, we do not afford to let any other people who abide in the brink of war get close.

private discussions about both sides of the plan through the opposition's brief impressions of the debate.

I hope that they will speak in negotiations at the end of the war.

The only way to keep this secret is not to tell anybody about it.

Thirty months, whenever Secretary Rodgers, on occasion, should have hired an advocate on secret negotiations and press conferences, he would always say that we were pursuing every possible channel in our search engines.

It was never this sudden and relief that we could turn a knock together on the secret negotiations.

the situation of this course in view of its unprofitable.

Now, however, it is my judgment that the purpose of the peace will have to be served by bringing out public and public security in the name of the government.

Nothing is served by silence when the other side of this point of view is getting to the bottom of it and to avoid the conflict over it.

Nothing is served by silence when the police, Americans, the police, and the government fail to do what they've always done.

And nothing is served by silence when the name of the other side of the group finds possible solutions public

It is already a rejected crime.

Mine has come to speak out, just to see the negotiations in some kind of great public headlock, perhaps public distortion of the great secret headlock.

Many sincere patriotic men, who believe in the minority of these lead individuals, are charging the United States not to see the negotiations.

And the secret record will show just the opposite is true.

The questions have been raised as to why we have not proposed a deadline to withdraw all of our proportionate exchange rates as far as we've been able to before, why we have not discussed the settlement of the proposal with the U.S. Congress in July in Paris, and why we have not stated a good plan of what else to do with the negotiations on mid-September.

As the private record will show, we have taken all of these points and more, and we will gladly reject it as far as we understand it.

On April 1, 2017, about eight months ago, one of the secret meetings in Paris in the United States offered specifically to agree to a deadline for the withdrawal of all American forces in exchange for the release of all prisoners of war and cease-fire.

At the next private meeting, June 26, North Korea and the U.S. rejected our proposal to set a new deadline for the withdrawal of the Chinese police from the U.S. and cease-fire.

They proposed that all money from the client, which consisted of the jewel patrol, be governed in South Vietnam.

Five days later, on July 1st, the enemy publicly presented a different package for forces to be at Conn, 7 o'clock in the morning.

Someone said, in the dark of the evening, 9 o'clock, 7 o'clock.

That afforded a dilemma.

What package did he respond to?

Cedar Penn, 7 o'clock in the morning.

July 12th was way back in the evening when we put that question in front of you directly.

They said that we should deal with their running for the secret plan, because they've covered all of it, John.

On the way to Congress, that was the amount.

That's what we did.

We went beyond being the sum of the funds for the public plan that we had for the secret plan.

On July 1, 6, we told the North Vietnamese that I was prepared to ask the Congress to provide funds for a major economic and public program, a program for the withdrawal of the Chinese, not Vietnam and sharing in the program.

On August 16, we presented another proposal, which would take into account the decisions of both sides.

This plan, too, could have been spread through the U.S.

It offered to take control of the U.S. and allied forces nine months after that.

We've made several political proposals to give the economy a fair chance to compete with others on Vietnam.

We have matched some of the U.S. exact foreign relations, not only North Vietnam, but also North Vietnam, both in terms of drugs.

On September 13, the North Vietnamese rejected this plan.

They were taken to the system field to prove themselves in this plan.

What has been the result, I wonder?

For months, the North Vietnamese and the U.S. in the color recession were not responding to their side of the COVID-19 situation.

The U.S. government is not interested in negotiating at all.

The United States is not interested in negotiating on both plans.

The truth is that the United States will respond to this plan in a manner of one-way response.

Our reward for this complete response is public denunciation of our response.

— 1 min 8 s with no transcribed speech —

A proposal that all nine of our plans, which consisted of the drill patrol, the government is out there now.

Five days later, on July 1st, the enemy publicly presented a different kind of proposal.

It was a comm, seven-point plan.

It's a one-day plan.

It's an RPA plan.

It's a nine-point C plan.

That's what we're going to have.

We're going to have to do the response.

We're going to have to do the other plans.

July 12th was way back in the evening when the District put that question in the media directly.

They said that we should deal with their money for the secret time, because they'd covered all of it in the channel.

Nobody had caught the seven-pointed person who had left it to Vietnam.

That's what we did.

We went beyond being the son of a gun in the public plan that we had for the secret time.

July 26, 2012, in R.P.F.

Mayes, I was prepared to ask Congress to provide funds for a major economic and public program, property for the poor and the challenged, an R.P.F.

non-sharing program.

On August 16, we presented another proposal, which would take into account the decisions of both sides.

This plan, too, could have been a breakthrough for the U.S.

It offered to take control of the U.S. and L.A. borders nine months after the war.

It contained several political principles that would give the economy a very chance to

It matched some of the enemy's exact formulations, not only North Vietnam, but also North Vietnam.

On September 13, the North Vietnamese rejected this plan.

They were taken to the system to go through the zone.

What was the result?

For months, the North Vietnamese were not responding to their side of the problem.

This is based on the fact that the U.S. government is not interested in negotiating at all.

At the time, the United States had actively sought to negotiate on both plans, public and private, but the United States was caught.

The triplets of the United States did respond to the next plan, and in a manner they wanted to, they responded.

Our reward for this complete response and public denunciation did not have a response at all.

Criticism shone in from many Americans in the present times, who could not know that they were being falsely used by the other side of the circle, who was the same.

Let me give you a final example of what is really going on in the negotiation process.

I decided in October we should make another attempt to break the deadline.

On October 11th, I sent a private communication email to the committee.

I could imagine the wealth of the group negotiations focused on an urgent meeting on November 1st with Dr. Fiske, a special advisor to Dr. Lowe, and some other people from the Division of Anaheim.

On October 25th, we had an easy-to-read meeting to suggest a different plan.

We are being asked publicly to respond to the goals

and in some respects, were set up months ago in fact.

They were being asked publicly to set a terminal date four hours ago, when they had already offered them a credit.

On the most comprehensive case plan of this kind, it was likely ignored in a deeper channel, allowing the price to have to be limited.

That is why I have expected, as recorded in the presenter at the time, publicly that this would be such a comparison to Stonehenge.

You're publishing full-text, full-time.

It will prove beyond the shadow of a doubt which side of the caveat

First, we shall withdraw all the U.S. and allied portions of Vietnam in six months after the freedom of the president.

Second, we shall change all prisoners during the six-month period.

Third, there should be a ceasefire.

There should be a ceasefire throughout the time.

Fourth, that we begin the presidential election in South Vietnam under international immigration within six months from 9-7.

This item of the election is to be organized and run by an independent party, representing all political forces in South Vietnam, including the Viet Cong.

We have heard much about how no election can be very long for President Trump.

President Chu's full knowledge of the Viet Cong is a demonstration of his commitment to peace in his land.

We make this offer as part of the peace plan.

One month before the election, President Chu invited President Hong to be in the Senate.

The caretaker administration held a chamber in the South Viet Cong Senate.

to take over the government of the League, except for election responsibility, which would be the sole responsibility of an independent election party.

On many other items, I would fully suggest that the First Senate agree on principles which would lead to the start of a plan through which all those standards would be fulfilled.

Meanwhile, with parties in Paris, the work of Ted DiPietro is the one to say that the League is the inspiring member of the election.

In addition, we remain prepared when it comes to the major legal construction program, something that now allows the public all the time

I want all those people to be comforted throughout this generation of war.

This is a settlement operation which is quite a fair minority of Vietnam, a fair settlement of Vietnam.

It preserves the right of life.

It preserves the right of public interest, the right of public interest, and I know the nation's right of nation's right.

It preserves the United States of America.

The only thing this plan does not do is to try to overthrow our ally, which is the United States, and our nationality.

The enemy wants peace.

will have to recognize the important difference between the second and the second.

This has been a long and agonizing struggle, and it is difficult to see how anyone, regardless of his past position in the war, could now say that we have not gone the extra mile, and often the second or third is better than the second.

The United States stands ready on any level or any place publicly or privately to end the war now on the basis of this plan.

The time is right to be listening to the discussions through your record for a final effort to break through these obstacles.

Unsteadiness and our withdrawal of troops from America has proven its resolution to end its involvement in the war.

Our readiness to act in spirit of conservation America has proven its desire to be involved in building a friendly peace through our new China.

Yes, I don't know if the whole President cannot always act in his heart, but he always has important things.

Some of our citizens are our customers, and whatever our government says must be false, and whatever our enemy says must be true.

The record of the deal that I incurred is of no use to me.

Thank you.

I think that's a good television speech because it's got a lot of facts that people won't understand, but I think you need them.

It doesn't matter if they understand and remember it or anything else.

It's the body of evidence on which your case rests.

I was delighted to get the bonus, finally.

I think you're right, though.

You can't get it very much.

You've got the stiletto.

You just have to cut it in half.

Yeah, and that's the way it has to be done.

It's the temptation to go a little bit further.

You can't do it.

I think this is on the channel.

Yep.

It's a good, too hopeless a view.

.

You know, all these shits are running around saying if you don't do that, it's off the ground.

It's off the ground.

If they do, the point is, I've got to say what I believe.

Especially if you've lost that issue pretty, pretty much.

It will be fine.

The two would, the offer of two is that bad.

I was going to say, when I was actually driving, Dr. Christian was driving, he was asking us, he was asking us, he was asking us, he was asking us, he was asking us, he was asking us, he was asking us, he was asking us,

See, that's what you want to say.

Just agree.

Yeah, but I don't think too much.

I think... You have to have been.

Bill's done a superb job of getting the history story in without saying history over and over.

I don't know.

in the United States office, a doctor, a history professor.

Together, one of the states, the University of New Jersey, did a draft of an unbelievable review of a person, a person that would have driven people up the wall after a long competition.

Now, he was doing all this stuff on his own.

That's it.

Just out of the question now, we've got to find ways to work around these problems.

You set that back.

Stand free.

It's a short speed tune.

It's too damn long.

It's a little D-O-W now.

I don't know what they even said.

deadline is answered now you understand however we ceasefire in there yeah but how the hell can people object to that how can we how can you really have a deadline about the ceasefire instead of deadline if you go about this and shoot your ass off you're getting out of the home right ceasefire people before i don't think i don't think they'll see that as a stunt with rock i think that's the other positive

.

Another device in any document.

It undercuts anybody saying it didn't cover enough of the chute.

Now our...

I'm pretty sure she's on the aft.

No, I think we've got a pretty good conclusion on that.

As we look ahead over the coming decade, that's where we're going to change our economic certainty to the economic reality of our life in America.

Surveying the certainty of rapid change, we can be like a homewriter coming to service, or we can sit high and settle for matters of change directly in our personal future.

The secret of matters of change today grows to reach back to old, proven principles, to a background of imagination, intelligence, and the reality of the world.

This is what we have gotten from all of our late people in Congress.

They are rid of the basic principle that there is enduring, true nature and robustness in our experience.

And they are responsive to these conditions.

Thus, they represent a spiritual change home to the beauty of the world.

If we look back at these old principles, we'll find that they are as common as they were found in us.

We believe in independence and self-reliance and creating value for the planet and the people.

We believe in full and equal opportunity for all Americans in protecting the liberty of our citizens.

We believe in the families and peace of the Indian people and peace of the nation.

We believe in compassion for those in need.

We believe in a system of law that is in order on the basis of the general and free society.

We believe that a person should walk when he works hard, and that when he can, he should work for what he can.

We believe in the capacity of people to make their own decisions in their own lives and their own

We are providing broader support for the arts and help extend a deeper appreciation of what they can do for the nation.

Nothing mattered more than the quality of our lives, the way we treat one another, and our capacity to live respectfully together as a unified society with a full and gathering regard for the rights of others and the hate of others.

As we recover from the turmoil and violence of recent years, as we learn once again to speak with one another instead of shouting at one another, we regain our capacity.

As this customer here has stated, I am not the front-runner of the program's importance.

But even more important than the program is what we are as a nation, what we do as a nation, to ourselves and to the world.

We are a part of the example of the most famous statue of the world, the statue of the Japanese, the city of Japan, and all the people in the United States.

The statue is more than a landmark.

It is a symbol of what America has meant to the world.

It reminds us that what America has demanded is not its wealth, not its power, but its spirit and purpose.

A land that is strong in its liberty and honor, that is held out of hand and welcomed with patience in search of a better, a more, and above all, a freer life.

The world's hopes for it are not only those of human beings.

Those hopes, those dreams, that have been brought from every corner of the world, have become a part of the hope that we hold on to.

We're here to come, we're here to celebrate.

There are some who say that the old spirit of such and such is dead.

We no longer have this strength because we don't feel this faith in our common purposes.

That spirit of ours is gone.

Those who say this do not know that.

We've been out here, but we haven't undergone it.

Some doubt it, some criticize it.

These are the other side of our growing sensitivity to the resistance of one against the other.

of our nation to the slopes of the J. Joel Reels we know about.

If we were indifferent and shut from our society, or compulsive of our institution, or blind to language and ethics, then we would have lost our way.

The fact that we have these incentives and our ideals is so strong.

Indeed, they remind us of what is best about our business and passion.

They remind us, in the final analysis of American analysis, America is great.

not because it is strong, not because it is rich, but because this is a good country.

Let us reject the narrow visions of those who tell us that we are evil because we are not that good, that we are corrupt because we are not yet full and pure, that all the sweat and toil and sacrifice that we've gone with the building of America were to burn off because the building is not yet done.

Let us see that the path we have traveled is wide and open for all of us, and that its direction is toward a better nation,

of our peaceful world.

Never has it mattered more that we go forward together.

The leadership of America is here today in this chamber.

The Supreme Court, the Senate, the House of Representatives.

Together we hold the future of the nation and the conscience of the nation in our hands.

Because this year is an election year, it will be a time of great pressure.

We yield to that pressure, fail to deal seriously with the historical challenges, and face

but failed to present figures for Americans to share in the confidence they have of right to place in the country.

Never has a Congress had a greater opportunity to leave a legacy of profound and constructive reform for the nations at this time.

If we succeeded in this task, then we'd be proud enough for all, not only for doing what we've done, but for doing it in the right way, by rising above partisan groups to serve the nation.

It would be fatal that more than any one of us Americans

That is why my call on the Congress today has been the highest-pitched signal, so that in the years to come, Americans will look back and say, because of this good and intense pressure from the political world, and achieve such great good in America's future.

and characters have to play back to the novel and to the poem.

Start listening, stop shouting, pull it together, and then that litany of people leaves

The building is not yet built.

Was that raised?

That's right.

That's a nice, that whole thing there that we are not yet raised.

That's, that's, that's it.

That's good.

That's the kind of thing that bothers me the most.

This, yeah, that part, the first part of it, should be in there.

That part ought to be on the front of that.

And it won't be, because they won't put it on the back of the head.

You can see that's over there.

I think you sure can.

There'll be an opportunity to do it.

So you might as well create a kind of a four.

There you go again.

I'll say why don't you try three or four.

That's a funny thing.

That's been a funny thing.

It's his idea.

He built it.

He wants to.

And yet he just somehow can't get himself over the fence on it.

Hello?

Hello.

Hi John, how are you?

Okay.

The major European nations, Canada, I always think of Canada.

The major European nations, Canada and Japan.

Wait, wait, I'll focus now, please.

We are carefully reviewing.

I thought that when I saw that character in the movie, I could see that the next question to the press conference is, you know, what he's done.

Is that right?

All right.

We are carefully reviewing.

You know?

And I say we don't want to take this one.

How about the board office department?

I'm sure you can put the board office.

Good.

Many thanks.

I've got your copy on it.

I've got two of them.

On my copy on page 13.

Bottom of page 13.

Insert the word with the major European nations and insert the word Canada.

Page 21.

Under the leadership of the Secretary of State, we are carefully reviewing.

I have one other sentence.

Those two you can take.

Uh, pray have a seat.

Uh-huh.

Ray, I'm trying to think.

I had one small thought on the first page.

Uh, I don't want to use the, uh, when I say the Magistrate of Vermont to use it in another way than to describe it.

I can say I will never forget that moment when I can use it as something other than the Magistrate of Vermont to use it in the right way.

That's right, I used it before.

That's the reason.

It doesn't quite fit that.

It's really, uh, it's a great moment in my life.

Or should we just say, I don't remember getting that phone.

That would be great.

But I know I get the person, but I just don't feel comfortable with it.

That's it.

I'm trying to understand how to answer that.

Good.

Okay, you can just call March and go there.

I had a couple of others that had to do with the time.

We had a break in Canada.

And we had to change.

We were considered on the action rather than having to otherwise.

In other words, I shall never forget that moment.

So we just started to strike off the matches.

We had a break in Canada.

And we had to change.

We had to change.

Yeah, and the other one here is that the only other thing that we have, which is really important, was to insert the word Canada.

You know, we talk about Europe.

You have to put in Canada.

I covered Canada, and I covered the change of the word.

But this one, I think this one was.

All right.

I do.

And they make suggestions that it's even worse than if you were just going to die.

That's why I had to wait to see what the report is.

And it's very unusual.

They aren't very good.

But also, it's not that I'm not afraid.

It's just that it's like, yeah, I'm going to be pretty hard to sit down.

I'm going to sit down.

And there's a lot of different things.

We have that in the city.

I got it the first day of the year.

Great.

I'm really happy with that.

Yeah.

Go back and figure it out now.

The first year.

I work like hell on that.

Yeah.

Let's go back to...

I think you're right about Hedgehog.

I think Hedgehog is right about his suggestion that I not try to make this any other than a formal.

Formal?

Yeah.

The point is that

for all of them.

They've all got to understand that by God, this is it.

This is the order, boys.

And we're all going to play ball.

And that is part of the reason the government shouldn't apologize for slacking, probably, because of this and that.

It's all very difficult, including what you're doing.

This is the way it's going to be.

Where we are.

Exactly where we are.

Oh, there it is.

Now let's see.

Take it out and play it.

Yeah.

I don't know whether to play it or not, but it's good.

It's all good.

So we can't complain too much about that.

We've got a pretty good balance on the good economic news as well as on the bad, I think.

They give the bad more than we'd like them to give, but they give the good about as much as they give the bad.

The market price is...

retail sales but i asked you about the china staff right now i feel very strongly

One of the reasons for her success was that she just didn't have a whole lot of people around her.

And I'm just very, very responsible.

I wanted to have people to serve as her military leader.

And I did a couple of other things.

I don't want to have a bunch of agents and so forth.

And I just wanted to do what I could.

And I trusted her there.

We are, and we've done as much as we can.

And I think we're in good shape on that.

The problem is we've just got to hold it that way.

There's going to be all the temptations of death, by police, by case.

We have made, I must say,

and looking at our own anchors to set up our own goal for tomorrow.

I'd like to be able to help communicate rather than being on the side of the situation.

I mean, if I can't decide what I don't want to do, then I'm not going to be able to do it.

Maybe if you take over the other person,

I think we ought to have Bryce call or create or call that call out here.

There only has been four of them.

It's a very, very common problem.

I don't know if you guys will see this at all, but I'm going to be calling on the call centers.

I'm going to be calling on the call centers.

I'm going to call on the call centers.

I'm going to be calling on the call centers.

Thank you.

That's why I sort of think you ought to get off that story on call.

One person did more than put me on a date back in the middle of the summer, and then he took my story and he had it in his bank account.

I didn't think he was going to have a man on his side.

I was going to have a man, but I don't know now.

because it's silenced for a while.

We have Harlow, maybe Harlow should call him.

He can't say, he can't be there in a hurry.

The rest would say, whether it's a letter, whether it's a satellite, we don't say all that stuff.

It would take a time to do it, and it would be up in hours, five o'clock some days.

I don't want you to put yourself in an awkward spot.

We were great at the end of the hour, but... What would you have done then?

Why not?

Did you see the lady's own journal?

Would you send a copy of the journal?

Wait just a minute, sir.

Here's one that is worth it.

On page six, Rose, if you would add that many in both parties

Don't know.

Yeah.

I understand now that you are free to go forward with your comments.

I'm glad that Dr. Peter really...

The thing with Pete that he doesn't understand is that I...

Frankly, I didn't want him to do this because...

He obviously is the fellow who made me survive and made me an ideal member of the Catholic family.

I told you not to want that.

I told Conley that.

I didn't say member of the Catholic family.

I said you have, you know, very high plans for Peter in the long haul, and that you'd deal with this year.

of the economy is to be the most valuable, to the extent that there's the most great strengths of leaders that the planet doesn't have.

And some of them may be left off, but he said some of them already have, so he's a lot less abrasive than he used to be.

He's a lot of modesty in God's speaking.

He's a lot of stuff that was about right.

He saw that, and I think, but I thought that was, it fit right into somewhere in the conversation.

I thought that's why they're in the company that you were looking in, is that he sure knows.

He is a young man, and he expected to fix himself.

He isn't all that young, Peter, but, okay.

Oh, is he?

I don't know.

I certainly don't know.

I'm sorry.

Absolutely sensational.

I've seen a couple of the pictures that were in the clip.

There's a picture of her in a Chinese gown that some designer did or something.

But not in color?

No.

Let's say that's a 60-year-old.

Do you really feel that that Sapphire thing, do you think it's got to be on?

Yeah, I do.

It should, I think.

It's direct, simple.

It's got to be.

It also tells a story.

It has to be a story, I'm sure.

But that's the thing I was concerned about with Sapphire, in other words, is it might set up the tendency to

Overbuild it.

It doesn't need the content.

We struck the hell out of all that.

That's one that doesn't need it.

You don't need to say this is the most serious negotiation.

It doesn't all by itself.

It's like the China announcement.

You get more for it.

A lot of people say, I ask that of her, this is a probably gracious answer, something you cannot simply express under your own imagination.

The real problem, I suppose, is that people will say, why not?

That's why I try to answer it, why do you have a secret?

And it's as if, as if we were after something.

And so I was wondering about that too.

I wondered about it before we had it, but I think I would recommend it, just to sort of say why we didn't do this.

And it makes the point that we were doing public things too.

And it should stand to see by making the contrast that we made the offers in secret, building good faith in secret, and then they shot us down in the open.

And you said all along, which is the other point, that we are pursuing every channel, and you have said

Uh, you've gone beyond that.

You've said we're not limiting our negotiations to public talks or something of that effect.

And you've said when the full record is revealed, it will be clear that we have gone the last mile.

We've done everything that could be done.

What they haven't known, I think the fact of secret talks has been more or less accepted.

And what they haven't known is the content of it.

And the drama of the fact that it was Henry Kissinger flying over to Paris, that's going to stir up a lot.

How did Henry Kissinger get to Paris 12 times without anybody knowing?

It will also make him think something else is going on, which is not bad.

It will also probably put a death watch wire service thing on Henry Kissinger.

Yeah.

People say, well, why did Kissinger do it?

I don't understand.

The Secretary of State did it by embarrassing secrecy.

Of course, our country, Kissinger, had a dissent.

I've had a dissent.

But he had to represent the president.

And also, he had to represent something other than the state, which is the call for that, too.

I think those guys will get the same answer as that, that if he wants an attack, he can't have Kissinger visits anymore.

Yeah.

We refused to sell out to overthrow this idea of government.

That's a good point.

You need that one.

You got it.

Now I'm powering it since you're here.

You can close it before you go.

This is next to launch.

Well, you can just try to close out the dinner, and then why don't you go right on upstairs?

Oh, hell yes.

Yes, yes, we will.

If you go out the hall, let the other states stay.

They all know how to do it.

It can't be tomorrow, man.

It's a couple of days.

I just like to have a few little nuggets that we've given.

I think that the economy is going to be a big standing point.

I think that all of the middle-level staff will bring in a great big thing.

We're going to have to kick off the year going up on a budget on the domestic policy initiatives and foreign policy general status and where we stand in the legislative program and the whole thing.

So it's going to bring them all in on that.

inside before we go up to the hill.

Good.

Good idea.

That's the same.

A whole lot more than good.

We're talking about a whole lot more than good.

And probably once a week we can do a dance.

That's an important thing to talk about.

I hope you're supportive this year.

I'm jealous.

I'm always so jealous.

You've got me, uh, I'm so proud of you.

Here we go.

Disgusting.

I agree, I think it's bad.

I'm asking you to see Westmoreland and Flairs tomorrow afternoon.

Or Westmoreland, if you've heard of it.

If you've got something, I'll let you know.

What do you want to do?

Bring the chopper in as soon as you figure out how to work it.

The dinner ends, you get up a few minutes next to me, you go right to the elevator and go upstairs.

The rest of you guys will fly off and one of them will serve the brandy there.

You'll have to wait about ten minutes, probably, and then bring the chopper in.

You know, when we pull up, I bring it in.

Yeah, you'll fly over.

Yeah.

You just go right down to the basement, out of the door.

This is all family, so it's no problem anyway.

Just sit around and say goodbye.

I did go over that, but do you think we should have A, C, Y?

Oh yeah, Y, damn right.

I think it's better than this, sir.

Then we should have A.

I don't think there's any harm in that.

We won't have to come upstairs.

I think we should...

I would like for them to... Are they invited for 7th grade or 8th grade?

Nixon, Haldeman & Connally on Vietnam War and State of the Union Address

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Nixon Library Finding Aid

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Also recorded on January 17, 1972

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Nixon, Haldeman & Connally on Vietnam War and State of the Union Address

AI Summary

Audio

NARA Description

Nixon Library Finding Aid

Transcript (AI-generated)

Also recorded on January 17, 1972

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Cite this conversation