Nixon White House Tapes › Topic
Nixon Tapes on Congressional testimony
20 conversations · frequently with Nixon, Haldeman, Ziegler, Kissinger
President Nixon instructed the White House operator to contact Secretary of the Treasury John B. Connally, who was currently testifying before Congress. Nixon emphasized that the message was not urgent and explicitly directed the operator not to interrupt the Secretary's testimony or require an immediate callback. The President decided to postpone the communication until later in the day or the following day to avoid disrupting Connally's official duties.
President Nixon received an update from the White House operator regarding the location of Office of Management and Budget Director George P. Shultz, who was currently testifying on Capitol Hill. Upon learning that Shultz would not return until late afternoon, the President declined the offer to track him down. Nixon decided to pursue an alternative method for handling the matter instead of waiting for Shultz's return.
President Nixon and H. R. Haldeman met to coordinate administrative scheduling and discuss George P. Shultz’s upcoming testimony. They evaluated the President's recent outreach to AFL-CIO leader George Meany, specifically analyzing Meany’s reaction and the potential for a follow-up meeting with Shultz. The conversation touched upon broader labor relations, including comparisons between labor leaders and business executives, alongside the political implications of recent legislative amendments.
President Nixon and H. R. Haldeman coordinate the scheduling of upcoming meetings to accommodate the busy calendars of key visitors. They finalize plans for John B. Connally’s visit, ensuring it aligns with his congressional testimony requirements, and arrange for Billy Graham and the Apollo astronauts to visit the following day. The brief exchange confirms that these adjustments were already underway to ensure maximum convenience for all parties involved.
President Nixon and Peter M. Flanigan discuss the management of upcoming trade negotiations and the coordination of White House staff testimony. Nixon mandates that John B. Connally lead these presentations while strictly prohibiting White House aides like Peter G. Peterson and William D. Eberle from testifying. The two also address concerns regarding David M. Kennedy's role in textile negotiations, with Nixon agreeing to proceed with the CIEP subcommittee arrangement only after Flanigan confirms it will keep industry stakeholders satisfied.
President Nixon consulted with the White House operator to check the status of a scheduled call to Secretary of State William P. Rogers. Upon learning that Rogers was unavailable because he was still testifying before Congress, Nixon instructed the operator to hold the call. No further substantive matters were discussed during this brief administrative exchange.
President Nixon instructed the White House operator to place a call to Secretary of State William P. Rogers. The President specified that the call should be connected only after Rogers concluded his ongoing congressional testimony. This action was intended to facilitate direct communication regarding the Secretary's legislative appearances.
President Nixon met with Ronald Ziegler and Henry Kissinger to coordinate the administration's public posture regarding military actions in Indochina, specifically the recent bombing of Haiphong and the presence of Soviet ships. Kissinger briefed the President on his communications with Soviet Ambassador Anatoliy Dobrynin and journalist Stewart Alsop, emphasizing the administration's determination to maintain a firm stance despite concerns over the upcoming Moscow summit. The group finalized plans for the President to meet with Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird and Admiral Thomas Moorer to ensure consistent testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
President Nixon and H. R. Haldeman discussed Secretary of State William P. Rogers's successful congressional testimony and the administration's plan to capitalize on it. Nixon directed Haldeman to have Patrick Buchanan extract key talking points from the testimony for immediate distribution to cabinet members and administration spokesmen. They also reviewed Rogers's assertive confrontation with Senator J. William Fulbright and coordinated the upcoming appearance of Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird to maintain a unified public narrative.
President Nixon met with Clark MacGregor to coordinate the administration's legal and political defense regarding the Senate investigation into the ITT antitrust settlement. They strategized on managing witness testimony and committee dynamics, specifically aiming to mitigate aggressive questioning from Democratic senators Edward Kennedy and John Tunney by utilizing Republican committee allies. Furthermore, Nixon urged MacGregor to maintain an offensive political posture, particularly by contrasting the administration's actions with previous Democratic inaction on conglomerates and by framing the administration's stance on the Vietnam War as a necessary defense against communist aggression.
H. R. Haldeman coordinated with the White House operator to establish a connection with John D. Ehrlichman to address several pressing administrative matters. The discussion focused on scheduling adjustments for Elliot L. Richardson and the legislative strategy surrounding the Higher Education Conference Report, specifically the administration's stance on school busing. Additionally, the participants reviewed the timing for Melvin R. Laird’s upcoming testimony regarding supplemental appropriations.
President Nixon and Henry Kissinger discussed various administrative and political matters, including the successful promotion of the China exhibit and efforts to maintain positive relations with Philadelphia Mayor Frank Rizzo. The conversation shifted to political strategy regarding Democratic challenger George McGovern, with Nixon directing that McGovern be criticized for his potential visit to Hanoi. Finally, they coordinated the timing of an upcoming announcement and testimony to ensure maximum public relations impact and to project that the administration was acting proactively rather than under congressional pressure.
President Nixon and Secretary of State William Rogers consulted regarding Rogers' upcoming congressional testimony concerning the Vietnam settlement and proposed economic aid. Nixon advised Rogers to defend the administration’s record by framing the aid as part of a global, multilateral effort while emphasizing the success of previous reconstruction efforts in Germany and Japan. The two also discussed strategies to counter partisan domestic criticism and coordinate upcoming White House outreach to members of Congress.
President Nixon and John Dean discussed strategies for managing the Watergate investigation, specifically focusing on the administration’s position regarding executive privilege and the release of FBI information to Congress. Dean reviewed historical precedents, such as the Truman administration's refusal to release investigative files, to support a policy of providing relevant information while resisting congressional demands for White House staff testimony. The two also addressed the perceived political vulnerability of former Attorney General John Mitchell and the necessity of managing Attorney General Richard Kleindienst’s loyalties during the ongoing inquiry.
President Nixon met with John Dean and Richard Moore to develop a public relations and legal strategy regarding the growing Watergate scandal. The participants discussed the potential risks of various disclosure methods, the limits of executive privilege, and the necessity of maintaining control over testimony to avoid political damage. They considered adopting a policy of appearing cooperative with inquiries while carefully limiting the scope of information released to protect the confidentiality of the presidency.
President Nixon and John Ehrlichman met to discuss the growing political crisis surrounding the Watergate scandal, specifically focusing on the administration’s strategy for responding to Congressional inquiries and potential subpoenas. The two debated the merits of issuing a formal White House statement versus maintaining a policy of non-disclosure to manage damaging revelations, while also considering how to insulate the President from the emerging legal troubles of staff members and associates. Additionally, they reviewed potential strategies for handling the Ervin Committee, discussed the legal ramifications of executive privilege, and touched upon developments in the Vesco case involving campaign contribution allegations.
President Nixon and John Ehrlichman discuss a strategy to avoid a high-profile, public confrontation regarding John Dean by refusing to send him to testify before the Senate. They decide that Leonard Garment should adopt a hard line, offering only written interrogatories and sworn statements instead of a television appearance. Additionally, they discuss economic policy, specifically the need for a more effective public spokesperson than George Shultz, and agree to wait for a memorandum from Pierre Rinfret before finalizing administration economic papers.
President Nixon met with an unknown individual to coordinate the timing of upcoming congressional committee appearances and the review of related briefing materials. The discussion involved scheduling George P. Shultz for testimony and arranging for Richard A. Moore to be contacted while traveling to a wedding in Boston. These logistics were prioritized to ensure the administration's representatives were adequately prepared for their scheduled questioning.
President Nixon met with his legal team and senior advisors, including Charles Wright, Alexander Haig, and J. Fred Buzhardt, to formulate a legal and public relations strategy regarding the intensifying Watergate investigation. The discussion focused on countering potential testimony from John Dean, particularly regarding his meetings with the President, and managing the risks posed by the Ervin Committee's upcoming hearings. The participants strategized on how to undermine Dean's credibility through targeted cross-examination by Fred Thompson and agreed on the necessity of maintaining a firm stance on executive privilege while preparing for further investigative challenges.
President Nixon and Press Secretary Ronald Ziegler discuss media coverage of the Watergate hearings, specifically expressing frustration that the television networks provided John Dean five days of coverage while limiting John Mitchell to one. They strategize on ways to pressure the media by highlighting perceived biases and reporting false constituent outrage to network executives. Additionally, they review the status of upcoming testimonies, including those of Richard A. Moore and Herbert Kalmbach, while denigrating the conduct of Senator Howard Baker.